Taiwan is a Part of China. Period.
The 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China concluded last month with an intra-party reshuffle and a vigorous reaffirmation of Party policy as conducted the ascent of the Fourth Generation leadership under Hu Jintao. Not surprisingly, the mainstream Western media generally ignored the import of the occasion- to the detriment of informed public discourse - and an opportunity was lost which might have provided some deeper insight into the policy positions of the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Contrary to the assertions of alarmist provocateurs invoking some sort of renewed Yellow Peril, the reality is that the PRC's perspective remains focused on domestic issues - unlike certain other world powers, its priorities and ambitions are at home, not abroad. This was made quite clear in Hu Jintao's lengthy work report, in which the only "foreign" matter he discussed in any great detail was one which the PRC in fact regards as an internal affair; namely, the status of the province of Taiwan.
Clearly, the Taiwan issue will remain a source of controversy owing to the intense feelings involved, but that it should be a source of conflict is hardly inevitable. For its part the PRC has committed itself to maintaining the status quo and thereby preserving peace - provided that no attempts to alter the current political arrangements are made, the PRC will continue to pursue diplomacy and negotiation. This stance has been consistently reiterated by the Chinese government - even right here at Brown just last semester during the visit by Ambassador Zhou Wenzhong - and there is no reason to doubt that such a course is the preferred form of resolution, and eventual reunification, especially considering the growing economic ties between the two sides of the strait.
Given the PRC's comparatively conciliatory manner, it is unfortunate that the current government in Taiwan, led by Chen Shui-bian and the Democratic Progressive Party, has adopted a provocative approach toward the island's relationship with the mainland, one that has placed Taiwan in an increasingly confrontational position. Especially since the passage of the 2003 referendum law, which some interpreted as paving the way towards a declaration of independence, Chen has persisted in antagonizing Beijing, whether in the form of vehement rhetoric or symbolic gestures. And such acts have only intensified recently, as evident in Taiwan's failed September bid for UN membership, and the ostentatious military parade- the first in over fifteen years- which accompanied the brash pronouncements of Chen's National Day speech.
Yet beyond such displays of defiance, what has this course of action actually accomplished? Ultimately, since Taiwan already enjoys de facto independence, which the PRC has tacitly conceded by endorsing the status quo, aggravating Beijing in the name of a formality only intensifies the supposed mainland threat. Paradoxically, by advocating Taiwanese independence, Chen and his supporters are contributing to the creation of the danger they wish to avert. Moreover, since their confidence in doing so rests ultimately on guarantees and assurances from outside powers - i.e. the United States and Japan - this brinkmanship demonstrates a failure to appreciate the realities of the contemporary geopolitical scene. Admittedly, half a century ago this kind of belligerent posturing may have produced some results. Then, the PRC was less relevant to the global community; today, however, as the PRC assumes an ever more important role, the world simply cannot afford any conflict over Taiwan.
That said, Taiwan will only find itself isolated if it persists in pressing the independence issue. For instance, Taiwan remains outside the regional trend of greater cooperation with the PRC, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations made clear its stance this past August when former Secretary-General Rodolfo Severino warned Taiwan against de jure independence. Meanwhile, it is doubtful that Taiwan's patron, the United States, would permit its grand strategy in international affairs, in which cooperation with the PRC is of crucial significance, to be held hostage by a Taiwanese conflict of choice. For despite all the vociferations of junior U.S. congressmen out to make their name blustering over an issue like defending Taiwanese democracy, inevitably all U.S. presidents have come to terms by constructively engaging with the PRC. Of course, there is always the possibility that the United States should decide to support the project for Taiwanese independence. In this case, it is probably fair to say that regardless of who prevails, Taiwan would bear the brunt of the confrontation. Put bluntly, the zealous drive for independence would end only in self-destruction.
The Taiwan question must therefore remain an internal affair, the resolution of which must be determined only by negotiation between the PRC and the government in Taiwan, within the existing political framework. The movement for independence can lead only to conflict, which the world does not desire and which Taiwan itself can ill afford.
Eric Demafeliz '08.5 is no spoon.



